Washington's Zelig
A longtime confidant of the Bush and Cheney families describes the
dangerous influence of the vice president.
Web-Exclusive Commentary
Newsweek
Updated: 1:40 p.m. ET June 29, 2007
June 29, 2007 - Dick Cheney is like
“Zelig,” the Woody Allen character with the uncanny ability to
turn up everywhere. We always suspected his dark influence throughout
the government, and now it’s been documented chapter and verse in an
exhaustive
series in The Washington Post. Cheney operates
largely in secret, and because he is such a skilled bureaucratic
infighter, he’s able to do end runs around everybody, including
President Bush, who does nothing to rein in his evil twin.
Under the guise of national security, Cheney has
gotten away with curbing civil liberties, condoning torture and launching
an unnecessary war. He’s also chipped away at environmental regulations
and done myriad favors for his friends in the business world. His stealthy
intervention undermined former EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman
and led to her resignation. He shapes tax policy and energy policy and
whatever else strikes his fancy, installing himself as president of
Corporate America.
Cheney’s above-the-law arrogance finally met
its match this week, when he declined to give national archivists who
oversee the handling of classified data in the executive branch access to
his papers. Cheney’s argument: that he’s not part of the
executive branch because he also serves as president of the Senate. The
claim was ludicrous on its face and opened up Cheney to ridicule.
Democrats can’t muster the votes to cut off funding for the war, but
when House leader Rahm Emanuel threatened to cut off funds for the vice
president’s operation, Cheney backed down.
I had lunch with Vic Gold, an old friend of the
Cheney’s, on the third day of the Post series. I asked him how he felt
reading about Dick’s dark adventures. “A tremendous feeling of
validation,” he said. In a recent book, Gold described Cheney as a
“mega-maniacal paranoid” whose secret empire within the government had
captured the Bush presidency and helped bring the Republican Party to the
brink of ruin. Gold’s book, published in April, is titled: “Invasion
of the Party Snatchers: How the Holy-Rollers and the Neo-Cons Destroyed
the GOP.” (It was originally titled “How the Neo-Cons Took Over the
GOP,” but midway through the process, Gold got so angry he changed the
verb to “Destroyed.” )
This is a huge turnabout for Gold, 78, a veteran
Republican operative. Close to the Bushes and the Cheneys, he once shared
office space with Lynne Cheney and in 1996 was prepared to support Dick
Cheney for president. When he decided not to run, Cheney told Gold, “I
don’t want to spend three quarters of my time running around raising
money.” That sounded rational to Gold, who’d been kicking around
politics for a long time, having worked for a string of Republicans from
Barry Goldwater, his hero, to the disgraced Spiro Agnew and finally “the
old man,” George H.W. Bush. Unlike others who’ve known Cheney for 30
years, Gold doesn’t think his erstwhile friend has changed. “Men do
not change, they unmask themselves,” he says, quoting a Swiss writer.
What happened to Cheney is “opportunity,” says Gold. Pushed forward by
George and Barbara Bush, who had no confidence in their eldest son, Cheney
was supposed to serve as the ghost of Bush Senior hovering around the
White House.
Cheney took on the job and with, George W.’s
acquiescence, made himself the locus of power. What nobody anticipated is
the extent to which the quiet man with the lopsided mouth would insinuate
himself into everything--and the devastating consequences of his
influence, particularly the Iraq War. Gold, a slight man with wispy white
hair and a hair-trigger temperament calls Bush “President Dodo.”
He’s known Bush since the ’80 campaign, and while he doesn’t really
think he’s dumb, he knows he can be manipulated. “He’s playing the
role of president, strutting around,” says Gold. “He’s the weakest
president in my memory.”
The Bushes prize loyalty, but about a year ago, Gold had reached a point
where his respect for the elder Bush, whose autobiography he had helped
write, was not enough for him to keep quiet. The administration in his
view had become a danger to the Constitution and what America stands for
in the world. He wrote to tell 41 about the book he was writing, and he
got a letter back saying, “We’ve been friends a long time and we’ll
continue to be friends. I am sure I will not like what you say about our
son.” And then in a grace note typical of the old man, “but I don’t
think too much of the neocons myself.”
Cheney’s great selling point was that he did
not plan to run for president, setting him apart from most vice presidents
who harbor personal ambition. He didn’t have to worry about being
popular. But the idea was flawed. In the end, Cheney’s lack of viability
as a political figure became his license to do whatever he wants, an
outcome nobody foresaw, least of all his unsuspecting patron, George H.W.
Bush.
© 2007 Newsweek, Inc. | Subscribe
to Newsweek