Why are Senate Republicans (all, that is, except the
lonely moderates Collins, Snowe, and Specter) nixing the
stimulus package, as House Republicans did? Not because Obama
failed to compromise - he gave them the tax breaks they wanted,
included a whopper for business. Not because Senate Democrats
failed to bend - they agreed to trim more than $100 billion out
of a previous version of the bill. Not because Senate
Republicans are doctrinally opposed to deficit spending - many
of them happily voted for Bush spending and tax cuts that
doubled the federal debt.
The reason has to do with the timing of the economic
recovery. If everything goes as well as possible and the
stimulus and next round of bank bailouts work perfectly, a
turnaround could begin as early as mid-2010. But even under this
rosy scenario, employers wouldn't start rehiring until late 2010
because they'll want to be sure the upturn is for real
(employment typically lags in a recovery). This means that under
the best of circumstances - assuming the stimulus is big enough
to jump-start the economy and the next bank bailout big enough
to get credit moving - most Americans won't feel much better
than they do now by November, 2010. Unemployment could easily be
hovering close to 8 percent; underemployment, close to 14
percent; and many other indicators, still in the doldrums.
That's if all goes extremely well. But what if the
stimulus isn't big enough? (I fear it won't be, given the large
and growing gap between what the economy can produce at near
full-employment and the meager demand coming from consumers and
businesses.) And what if the bailout doesn't quite work? (It may
not, given that the banking system is collapsing and many banks
are actually insolvent.) The economy in November of 2010 may be
worse than it is now, with no turnaround in sight.
Which brings us to the midterm elections of 2010.
Yesterday, while sitting across from Newt Gingrich on
George Stephanopoulos's Sunday morning television show, 1994
came roaring back into my head. Gingrich, you remember, turned
that midterm election into a national referendum about Bill
Clinton's leadership. (No one today remembers what was in
Gingrich's "Contract with America," but almost no one did then,
either.) Because Clinton's presidency had had a rough start and
because House and Senate Republicans had kept remarkable unity
in opposing him at almost every turn, Gingrich in the election
of 1994 could claim that and the Republican Party offered a
clear alternative, and had earned the chance to control
Congress.
Fast forward to today and listen to Senate Republicans
referring to the stimulus: "This is neither bipartisan nor is it
a compromise," said Sen. John McCain this morning. "It is ...
generational theft" that will increase the role of government
and provide no mechanism for paying back the money. Sen. Mike
Enzi said the package "spends everything we've got on nothing
we're sure about. I'm supposed to be giddy that we're only
spending $827 billion. Frankly, I've had enough of this bailout
baloney." Sen. Tom Coburn's office released a list of projects
that he calls earmarks and pork, totalling more than $55
billion. And so it went today.
Last week, House Republicans were equally vitriolic.
And wait until they hear about the next stage of the bank
bailout. I'd be surprised if more than a handful of House or
Senate Republicans support it.
Republicans don't want their fingerprints on the stimulus
bill or the next bank bailout because they plan to make the
midterm election of 2010 a national referendum on Barack Obama's
handling of the economy. They know that by then the economy will
still appear sufficiently weak that they can dub the entire
Obama effort a failure - even if the economy would have been far
worse without it, even if the economy is beginning to turn
around. They'll say "he wanted more government spending, and we
said no, but we didn't have the votes. Elect us and we'll turn
the economy around by cutting taxes and getting government out
of the private sector."
Obama believes Republicans will eventually embrace
bipartisanship. I hope he's right but I fear he's wrong. They
want to take back Congress the way Newt Gingrich retook the
House (and helped Republicans retake the Senate) in 1994 - with
hellfire and brimstone. Once in control of Congress, they'll be
able to block Obama's big inititiaves on health care and the
environment, stop any Supreme Court nominees, and set up their
own candidate for the White House in 2012.