His Name Was
Wellstone
By William Rivers Pitt
t r u t h o u t | Columnist
Thursday 01
November 2007
If we
don't fight hard enough for the things we stand for, at some point we
have to recognize that we don't really stand for them.
- Paul
Wellstone
Five years ago,
Senator Paul Wellstone (D-Minnesota) died when his plane went down in the
woods of northern Minnesota. The crash also took the lives of his wife
Sheila, his daughter Marcia, campaign staffers Will McLaughlin, Tom Lapic
and Mary McEvoy, along with pilots Michael Guess and Richard Conry.
This grim
remembrance is a marker for the Democratic majority in Congress, a moment
for unblinking self-assessment, a chance to compare and contrast the vast
gulf between who Wellstone was in life and what his party has become since
his death.
Wellstone's
political life was dominated by his efforts to improve economic and social
conditions for millions of Americans. He began as a community organizer
during the 1970's, advocating on behalf of working families and the poor for
better health care, affordable housing, better public education, day care
and other essential programs and policies. Through these activities, he
created a powerful network of activists, union members, farmers and other
newly involved citizens.
The effectiveness
of this network made the difference in his long-shot 1990 campaign for US
Senate against Rudy Boschwitz, an entrenched incumbent with far greater
financial resources. Over the next twelve years, Senator Wellstone served as
a tireless advocate for environmental protections, labor rights, victims of
domestic violence, veterans, campaign finance reform and sensible US foreign
policy.
Wellstone's Senate
career began, and tragically ended, in remarkably similar fashion. His first
months in office were defined by his opposition to President George H. W.
Bush's 1991 "Gulf War" against Iraq, and some twelve years later, his last
weeks in office were defined by his vote against another Bush
administration, and against another push for war in Iraq. On October 11,
2002, Wellstone was one of only twenty-three senators to cast a vote against
the fateful Iraq War Resolution.
The week before,
on October 3, Wellstone addressed the proposed attack upon and occupation of
Iraq in a speech given from the floor of the Senate. "The United States
could send tens of thousands of US troops to fight in Iraq," he said, "and
in so doing, we could risk countless lives of US soldiers and innocent
Iraqis."
"The United States
could face soaring oil prices," he said, "and could spend billions, both on
a war and on a years-long effort to stabilize Iraq after an invasion."
"Authorizing the
pre-emptive, go-it-alone use of force now," he said, "right in the midst of
continuing efforts to enlist the world community to back a tough new
disarmament resolution on Iraq, could be a costly mistake for our country."
A week and a day
later, the IWR passed in the Senate. Five days after that vote, it was
signed into law by George W. Bush. Nine days after that signature, five
years ago, Paul Wellstone was gone. His words from October 3, 2002, however,
still remain. No other floor statement given by any senator before the IWR
vote echoes with such prescience. Wellstone was right, and voted
accordingly. He was a beacon in the darkness that has spread and spread
until, five years later, this nation and the world entire have become almost
completely cloaked in shadow.
After Wellstone's
death, his staff released a transcript of his last 2002 midterm election
campaign commercial, which had been slated for airing just before the
November vote. "I don't represent the big oil companies," said Wellstone in
the ad; "I don't represent the big pharmaceutical companies, I don't
represent the Enrons of this world. But you know what, they already have
great representation in Washington. It's the rest of the people that need
it. I represent the people of Minnesota." Little else needs to be said; his
own words are more than enough.
What can be said,
on the other hand, about the Senate he served so well? What about the
Democrats who now enjoy majority control but flee the very thought of
representing the will of the American people? They called Wellstone "The
conscience of the Senate," and that honorable title seems more true today
than ever. Since that conscience died, the Democrats - time after time after
time again - have performed unconscionable acts of cowardice, ambivalence
and betrayal.
"Every now and
then, we are tempted to double-check that the Democrats actually won control
of Congress last year," read a recent editorial from The New York Times. "It
was bad enough having a one-party government when Republicans controlled the
White House and both houses of Congress. But the Democrats took over, and
still the one-party system continues."
Indeed.
As reported by The
New York Times on October 14, 2007: "The phone company Qwest Communications
refused a proposal from the National Security Agency that the company's
lawyers considered illegal in February 2001, nearly seven months before the
terrorist attacks on Sept. 11 ... documents unsealed Wednesday in federal
court in Denver, first reported in The Rocky Mountain News on Thursday,
claim for the first time that pressure on the company to participate in
activities it saw as improper came as early as February (2001), nearly seven
months before the terrorist attacks."
So.
The Bush
administration was trying to spy on Americans back when 9-1-1 was only the
telephone number for the police. Since the September 11 attacks, the
administration has folded, spindled and mutilated the Constitution and Bill
of Rights in a rampage of unchecked anti-American activities, ranging from
illegal domestic surveillance, to legislative "signing statements" that gut
the meaning from duly passed laws, to brazen defiance of legally served
subpoenas, to wild-eyed arguments against gossamer FISA-court oversight of
their cloak-and-dagger actions.
The tempo of this
behavior appears poised to increase. A Washington Post article titled "To
Implement Policy, Bush to Turn to Administrative Orders," appropriately
published on Halloween, reported that "White House aides say the only way
Bush seems to be able to influence the process is by vetoing legislation or
by issuing administrative orders, as he has in recent weeks on veterans'
health care, air-traffic congestion, protecting endangered fish and
immigration. They say they expect Bush to issue more of such orders in the
next several months, even as he speaks out on the need to limit spending and
resist any tax increases."
And yet this
Democratic Senate majority, with a slim few notable exceptions, fully
intends to immunize the telecom companies who aided in the illegal and
warrantless surveillance of Americans by Bush's big ears at NSA, thus
derailing the last and best way to determine, via lawsuits and
investigations, exactly how dirty the Bush administration is regarding this
illegal spying program. The Democratic senators pushing hardest for telecom
immunity also enjoy the financial largess of that very same industry.
And the Democrats
may not stop there.
And that was just
last week, the very week Paul Wellstone died five years before.
Some days after
Wellstone's death, his friend Tom Schraw penned an essay for The Oregonian
titled "When Your Conscience Dies." In it, he wrote, "When Sen. Paul
Wellstone of Minnesota died in a plane crash last week, Senate Majority
Leader Tom Daschle described him as "the soul of the Senate." United Nations
Secretary-General Kofi Annan described him as "a profoundly decent man, a
man of principle, a man of conscience." Which leads to the question: What do
you do when your soul dies, and your conscience goes away?"
What do you do?
According to the
Democratic majority in Congress, what you do is nothing. You talk a good
game and then wither away. You fold. You retreat. You whistle past the
graveyard and cross your fingers. You betray the Constitution you swore to
uphold. You betray the American people. You do not, under any circumstances,
defy The President.
The conscience of
the Senate died five years ago. His name was Paul Wellstone. His colleagues
cannot have forgotten him so soon. Let them remember.
Let them act.

William
Rivers Pitt is a New York Times and internationally bestselling author
of two books: "War
on Iraq: What Team Bush Doesn't Want You to Know" and "The
Greatest Sedition Is Silence." His newest book, "House
of Ill Repute: Reflections on War, Lies, and America's Ravaged Reputation,"
is now available from PoliPointPress.